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Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs): New Heroes

OFW: New Heroes

by Juan “Jed” E.  Dayang, Jr.

The Australian National University

 

 

As of 2010, there is an estimated 8,579,378 Filipinos overseas.[1]   The number of temporary migrant workers or Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) is estimated at 4,522,438.[2]  With its decades long of experience in labour migration, the Philippines has become the leading labor sending country in East Asia.  The country has also become the principal source of seafarers in the international maritime business.

The economic contribution of overseas Filipinos is substantial. Their remittances sustain their families and contribute to poverty reduction. Although, the remittances may not have a wider contribution to national economic growth, it has definitely improved the lives of many families who benefit from the money flows from their family members who are working overseas. In 2010 their remittance flow was US$18.8M which grew by 8% compared to the previous year. It represented close to 10% of the country’s Gross Domestic Product.[3] For their contribution to the economy, they have been lauded as “modern-day heroes” by the government and by the Philippine media.

Waves of Migration

Migration of Filipino workers has been recorded as early as the Spanish colonization.[4] Early accounts of emigration from the Philippines points to a native who worked in the ship of Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan when he first circumnavigated the world and discovered the Philippines for Spain in the 16th century.  However, the first group of Filipino workers who were recorded to work overseas were those who were forced by Spanish colonizers to man ships during the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade between 1565 to 1815 that brought goods from the Orient to the “new world” and vice versa.[5]  During the Spanish colonial period that ended in 1898, there were Filipinos who went to Spain as students, including national hero Jose Rizal.

First Wave

The 20th century saw more Filipinos leaving for the US as a result of the colonial linkage between the Philippines and the United States which started in after the Philippine-American war (1899-1902) until the Philippine declaration of independence in 1946.   The first wave[6] of emigration of Filipinos was between 1900 to early 1940s to the United States. The first two decades after the US annexation of the Philippines in 1898, many of the Filipinos who went to the US were college and university students who were trained in US universities to spread democracy and take leadership roles in the Philippines.[7]

Second Wave

The second wave to the US began after World War II till the end of the war in Vietnam. It was also during the same period when   the Philippines gained its independence from the US on July 4, 1946.  The number of Filipinos in the US grew because of the naturalization quota of 100 per year which was approved by the US Congress and announced by President Harry Truman on July 4. The quota, which lasted for two decades was not based on ethnic considerations but based on the occupational needs of the US and if the Filipino had relatives in the United States.[8]  At that time, there were many Filipino WWII veterans who were given special US citizenship privileges. The US also accepted skilled workers– doctors, nurses, accountants, engineers and other professions. When the US Congress passed the new Immigration Reform Act in 1965, it allowed family members to reunite with their American based relatives. This again led to the surge of American immigration of Filipinos.

In the 1950s and the 1960s, there were Filipinos in non-professional labour contracts that went to East Asia as barbers, artists, and musicians. There were also Filipinos who went as loggers to Indochina. The Korean and Vietnam War also created overseas jobs for Filipinos particularly in civilian and military operations in Japan, Guam, Thailand, Wake Island and Vietnam. There were also nurses who went to Canada and Australia. The third wave, which is more widely known and most persistent, was during the mid-1970s to 1990s.

Third Wave

It was in the 1970s when the government started sending migrant workers to curb unemployment and to shore up the country’s foreign currency reserves of the government. It was during this period that the labour migration program by the Philippine government was institutionalized.[9] The economic decline due to the higher world prices of crude oil created massive unemployment in the country. In the Middle East, however, the members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) were making so much profit. As a result of the oil-export boom, there was a  high demand for labour to support its fresh enterprise.  Former President Ferdinand Marcos  was quick to tap this opportunity to  promote Filipino contract workers to alleviate unemployment that created a huge labour surplus.   The foreign policy that Marcos adopted was called  “Development Diplomacy,” which  was aimed at exporting excess labour supply. By 1980, the Department of Labor and Employment’s (DOLE) deployment of overseas contract workers has jumped by 75% compared to previous year.[10] This time, the Department of Foreign Affairs has made protection of migrant workers as a third pillar of the country’s foreign policy which is of equal significance to the promotion of the political and economic interests of the Philippines overseas.

Conclusion

The Philippines has become the leading labor sending country in East Asia with 10% of its population living and working  in more than 190 countries overseas.  The emigration flows can be summed up in three waves of migration: the first wave from 1900s-1940,  the second from 1940s-1960s  and the most pervasive was during the third wave from 1970s to 1990s. The economic contribution of Overseas Filipino Workers or OFWs have reduced poverty incidence and increased the welfare of their families in the Philippines. The remittance flow also shore up the foreign currency reserves of the country. For the country and their family members, OFWs are real-life heroes.  The Philippine government has made protection of OFWs as a key pillar of its foreign policy agenda.


[1] “Stock Estimate of Overseas Filipinos,” ed. Commission on Filipinos Overseas (Manila: Office of the President, 2010).

[2] Ibid.

[3] “2010 OF Remittances Surpass 8% Growth Projection; Full-Year Level Reaches US$18.8 Billion,”  http://www.bsp.gov.ph/publications/media.asp?id=2515.

[4] read Filomeno V. Aguilar Jr., ed. At Home in the World: Filipinos in Global Migrations (Quezon City: Philippine Migration Research Network and Philippine Social Science Council, 2002).and Joaquin L. Gonzales, Philippine Labour Migration  (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), 1998).

[5] ———, Philippine Labour Migration.

[6]Ibid.

[7] For an earlier work on Filipino migrants to the Unites States see H. Brett Melendy, “Filipinos in the United States,” Pacific Historical Review University of California Press 43, no. 4 (1974).

[8] Ibid.

[9] Gonzales, Philippine Labour Migration.

[10] Graziano Battistella, Philippine labor migration : impact and policy (Quezon City Scalabrini Migration Center, 1992).

Is the Church to blame on population problems? What’s a win-win approach to the RH Bill?

Is the Church to blame  on population problems? What’s a win-win approach to the RH Bill?

(Last of three parts)

by Juan “Jed” E.  Dayang, Jr.

Can’t the Catholic Church easily be blamed for population problems?  Here’s the logic: the government is constrained in promoting artificial contraception. The Catholic Church can promote natural contraception. We have a booming population that can be described as problematic. Therefore, is the Catholic Church  doing enough to take care of the “morals” of people particularly when it comes to family planning?

I understand that this argument is flawed for many reasons: for one, population problems are connected with economic development, of which the government is the key figure. The Catholic Church can also simply pass on the responsibility of promoting natural contraception to the government. It does, however, caution us against making simplistic generalizations.

The way to navigate this complexity is to focus on the issue at hand: reproductive health/ family planning. The government must battle against stereotypes through massive information campaigns. Reproductive health is not just about condoms. Reproductive health, whether artificial or natural, is about planning for the future and enhancing the quality of life of your children. Reproductive health is not just about choice, but about informed decision.

The government must be able to make the debate on the RH Bill positive. However, what we see now is the dynamics of two opposing views. Some members of the Church have threatened to excommunicate or refuse to give communion to supporters of the Bill. On the other hand, you have anti-Church groups which are anti-clerical and have branded the Church as “Damaso” referring to national hero Jose Rizal’s caricature of a domineering, old-fashioned and hypocritical cleric in his novel Noli Me Tanghere, which influenced the Philippine revolution against the colonial rule of Spain. We also have groups who questions objective morality in favor of personal convictions criticizing the church.

In the ongoing contentious debate and mud-slinging, where do we place the ordinary Filipino who are the primary target of the RH Bill?  He or she must be beset by feelings of guilt in using artificial contraceptives but do not know what to go about planning their pregnancies.  Many are supportive of RH Bill (7 out of 10 Filipinos surveyed by the Social Weather Station in 2008) but majority are also supportive of the Church and  remain as its pious members attending Sunday masses regularly and receiving the holy sacraments.

For many,   the issue of supporting and rejecting the RH Bill is not an easy question. It involves a deeper reflection of their values and identity as a person. Asking the question of how do you balance Filipino values of  maka-Diyos (pro-God), maka-Tao/Pamilya (propeople), maka-Bayan (pro-country) at maka-Kalikasan (proenvironment)?  These questions are aspects of the moral dimensions that would have to be considered by individuals in making an informed decision.

I believe that this is where the Government should have a more comprehensive  policy on RH Bill.  The Government must do its role in educating comprehensively its citizens on  both artificial and natural methods of family planning and leave the decision to its citizens.  There is a need for competent counselors who are sensitive to religious and cultural beliefs of its citizens in promoting birth control methods. The government must also promote fully natural forms of family planning  which are acceptable to the Catholic Church such as  the symptoms-based methods, the calendar-based methods, and the breastfeeding or lactational amenorrhea method.  The government could  cooperate with religious institutions and organizations such as Catholic schools in  providing  information on reproductive health to parents, teachers, and students.

One cannot deny that the Church has a role in the education of the young  in the Philippines. The Government is better placed to be mindful of instilling values formation to children and the young in the importance of family values and human virtues such as charity, loyalty, prudence, purity and temperance, among others to form good citizens. The government must also remain inclusive and allow freedom of religious practice. Therefore, in crafting the Bill, it should refrain from imposing sanctions on conscientious objectors in keeping with the freedom of conscience which is protected under the Philippine constitution.

Another way to promote the bill is to underscore similarities between the RH bill and the stance of the Catholic Church. For all the public knows, the RH bill has 8,000 good provisions and we are merely arguing about three. A good bill is therefore left to rot in the chambers because we cannot move forward with three contested provisions.  Highlighting the similarities will give better context to the entire issue instead of just singling out and concentrating on the sensitive portions.

At the end of the day, the government must ensure that it gets the support of its citizen on family planning and responsible parenthood. The government must enact information and education campaign to enable citizen’s to make informed decisions.  After giving full information to its citizens on the various aspects of responsible parenthood and reproductive health, then it is best to leave  the decision on the method of responsible parenthood and family planning on the individual through the use of his conscience and free will.

Is there a diplomatic solution to the impasse on the Philippine RH Bill?

Is there a diplomatic solution to the impasse between the State and Church in the ongoing debate on the RH Bill?

(First of 3 parts)

by Juan  “Jed” E.  Dayang, Jr.*

The Reproductive Health Bill or simply called RH Bill, is a proposed bill in the Philippine Congress aimed at ensuring universal access and information on birth control methods and maternal care.  The RH Bill is in line with the World Health Organisation’s vision for all peoples to have the highest possible level of sexual and reproductive health through provision of information and quality services.

Although there is a general consensus on the benefits of maternal and child care aspects of the bill, there is a contentious and divisive debate on the proposed widespread information, distribution, government funding and enforcement of family planning methods.  The Catholic Church, which represents the largest religious group in the Philippines, has been most critical of the government’s promotion of artificial birth control devices, which they view as contrary to faith and morals.

The controversial bill has polarized various sectors of society including experts, academics, religious institutions, and political leaders who are either support or are against the bill.  Based on surveys, seven out of ten Filipinos are in favour of the bill. President Benigno Aquino has expressed his full support to the bill compared to his predecessors. The impact of his outward support of the RH Bill alienated the Catholic Church. In the end, the President decided to have a dialogue with the Catholic Bishop Congress of the Philippines (CBCP) and has since been less vocal of his support of the Bill pending deliberation in Congress.  The position of the Catholic Church is that  use of artificial contraception is a major attack on authentic human values and on Filipino cultural values regarding human life and enjoins its members to disobey the RH bill if passed into law based on freedom of conscience.

In formulating the bill, it is imperative to know the stand of its most visible and outspoken critic, the Catholic Church in the Philippines.  In crafting any policy, it is important to know the positions of the critics because they can dilute the influence and reach of the policy. In a setting where parties can negotiate and concede some positions in favour of others, a compromise can be reached. We can, however, expect the Catholic Church not to waver in its positions.

We thus have a situation where: (1) the critic is not willing to negotiate; and (2) the critic is extremely influential. It will be foolish not to know its stand. The bill can ultimately be passed but it can run the risk of having no or limited followers, in which case the entire exercise in legislation is rendered ineffective.

To be continued


* The author’s main argument is the strengthening of the partnership between the government and the state. This article was presented in  the Forum on RH Bill organised by the Philippine Study Group (PSG) on 25 March 2011 at the Toad Hall, Australia National University.  The views expressed by author is entirely his own and does not reflect the Philippine government’s stance on the RH Bill.

International Women’s Day: Migrant Women’s Role in Development

HK Victoria Park Philipino Migrant Workers

Image via Wikipedia

International Women’s Day: Migrant Women’s Role in Development

by Juan E. “Jed” Dayang, Jr.

Female migrant workers have contributed greatly to development and poverty alleviation in their countries of origin.

According to the recent   New York Times article  “ women migrants have become a formidable force for development — and for the rise of women in developed countries whose careers depend on affordable child care” in the first 11 years of the 21st century.  Money sent by women migrants to their families through remittances also  “…appear to be more frequent, regular and reliable even in times of crisis.”

Based on the UN Population and Development statistics, 50% of  the 215 million international migrants in 2010  are female. In OECD countries, the percentage of women in skilled work has increased.

An anecdotal study in the case of Ghana yielded interesting data that women migrant workers and women recipients tend to send money for human capital investments such as food, education and  health care while male workers or recipients tend to invest remittances in land and electronics. However, there are still few rigorous studies made on the role of gender in migration according to the Times article.

The impact of remittances vary in different countries. UN Women’s studies in Albania, Dominican Republic, Morocco, and Senegal suggest that  women migrants’ role in remittance sent to their families has contributed to development.  In OECD countries, female African migrant workers sent lower average remittances compared to men due to lower education and income.

Female recipients also had an impact in improving children’s health in Sri Lanka.  In Mexico, females working in informal occupations decreased due to remittances. However, remittances offset the loss of income from female labour force.

Philippine Case

In the Philippines, 2004 statistics  have shown that seven out of ten migrant workers were women. Although, recent 2o11 data shows that the ratio between men and women migrant workers have evened out, Filipina women still comprise a big chunk of emigrants from the Philippines which stands at around 8.7M worldwide. Most Filipina migrant workers are employed in the service sectors as nurses, teachers, caregivers and household workers. The downside of the so called  “feminisation of migration” is the social costs of mothers and wives leaving their children and husbands behind.

Children left behind experience loss of maternal care and may suffer from the lack of attention from absentee mothers. Usually, migrant mothers leave their children with their relatives who substitute  as caregivers using the money the send home.  The positive aspect is that children are provided better material goods and enable them to attend better schools.

Female domestic workers are also vulnerable to abuse from their employers. For instance, several cases of  employers abusing their Filipina household workers are lodged and handled by the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Philippines and their consular officials on a daily basis.

What can governments do?

Some suggestions have been made to improve the plight of female migrants such as the introduction of  legal and social protections for domestic workers (e.g. bilateral agreements of the Philippines with Singapore and Hong Kong case), liberalized entry and exit rules in temporary labour migration through work permits, allowing children visiting their migrant mothers, and lowering remittance fees.

At the end of the day, recognizing the role of women in development and empowerment of women are key factors  in enhancing their contribution to development.

Reference:

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/08/world/europe/08iht-ffhelp08.html?_r=2&ref=global-home&pagewanted=all

What benefits can a well-run foreign ministry offer the government?

What benefits can a well-run foreign ministry offer the government?

by Juan “Jed” E. Dayang, Jr.

foreign affairs cartoons, foreign affairs cartoon, foreign affairs picture, foreign affairs pictures, foreign affairs image, foreign affairs images, foreign affairs illustration, foreign affairs illustrations

Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs) are government agencies tasked to lead and conduct the foreign policy and diplomacy of their states in modern diplomacy.

Due to the forces of globalisation, new information technology, increased international trade, tourism, migration and development assistance,  and natural disasters, terrorist attacks and political crisis that affect their country’s citizens,  the functions of diplomats have enlarged. Despite these challenges to foreign ministries, they remain to be at the forefront of managing foreign policy.

A critical role of MFAs is coordinating the states’ foreign policy and international activity.  To remain relevant, MFAs need to adapt to the modern challenges of diplomacy either by outsourcing some of the functional expertise to other agencies of government or to develop its own expertise.  They also need to maximise the use of available information and communications technology in running their business. In addition, MFAs also need to be responsive to its citizens overseas.

These diplomatic challenges can be addressed by well-run foreign ministries. Well-managed MFAs offer wide-ranging benefits to government for the following reasons: First, they enable the effective and efficient pursuit of national interest; second, they can lead foreign policy coordination and management for a more effective and efficient policy implementation, and third, they can provide better delivery of services and timely responses to crisis situations.

Foreign Policy Enabler

A well- managed MFA enables the state to pursue its national interests and agenda.   By having a channel of communication and representation overseas, the government can promote its national objectives.  For political and economic purposes, the MFA can provide the overarching foreign policy direction.

When the U.S. invaded Iraq, the State Department was tasked to implement its policy and was instrumental in coordinating the U.S. alliance with the United Kingdom, Australia, South Korea and the Philippines, among others, in its fight against terrorism.

In the area of public diplomacy, a well-run MFA can also provide direction and implement activities such as cultural promotion, people to people exchanges, that enables the government to pursue its national objectives.

Foreign Policy Coordination

Having a well-run MFA could provide effective and efficient foreign policy coordination in the home office as well as in country’s Foreign Service posts.

In the Philippine case,  before a bilateral or multilateral negotiations take place, the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) calls for a policy coordination meeting to hear and take into consideration the inputs and concerns of various agencies of government. The coordination role of the DFA is beneficial to the government in terms of harmonising the voices of various agencies into a single tune during negotiations.

In the Foreign Service post, the Philippine Ambassador leads various agencies of government under a one county team in the Embassy.  Under such condition, there is unity of command and coordinated strategic efforts in an Embassy under the leadership of the Ambassador.

Efficient and Effective Delivery of Service and Quick Response to Crisis

Lastly, a well-run MFA provides better delivery of services and immediate response to crisis situations.  In the wake of the Middle East Crisis and the Queensland earthquake this month, one can view how a well-run MFA works to the benefit of government and its citizens.

By having a well-run Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the government of Prime Minister Julia Gillard was able to respond in a timely and effective fashion in ensuring the safety of Australians in Queensland. The Australian government was able to issue statements and communicate with the public regarding its assistance to the victims and their families.  The Australian  government was also able to convey its condolences and provided unsolicited financial assistance to New Zealand. Such gesture promotes trust and closer bilateral relations.

Australian Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd was in Egypt to personally direct the evacuation of Australian citizens and members of the diplomatic corps out of Libya.  He  spoke on radio how the evacuation plan was being undertaken in a concerted fashion together with other countries such as the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom.

On the other hand, the Philippine Daily Inquirer (PDI) ran a story of how the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) was slow in assisting the trapped nurses in the rubble in Queensland as well as in evacuating Filipino labourers in Libya.  The Philippine government said that despite its limited resources, it was trying its utmost in assisting distressed Filipinos in Libya.

In response to the mounting needs of Filipino workers  in Libya, newly appointed Foreign Affairs Secretary Albert del Rosario, less than 48 hours after he assumed office,  personally traveled to Libya to lead the DFA team in executing the evacuation of some 440 Filipino workers  from Libya to Tunisia. The trucks picked up Filipino workers and travelled through a dangerous  desert route passing through a number of checkpoints both from pro and anti-government  armed groups.

A top diplomat cited that  “smile diplomacy” or the use of smiles and carefully worded diplomatic language,  helped the government bring out of harms way Filipinos in Libya.

The Philippine government  chartered a ship to transport around 5,000 Filipinos from the coastal city of Benghazi to Crete in Greece.

After Del Rosario returned to Manila, he defended the DFA from critics and said that: “The DFA is not without experience … We have a good working organization. We’re not saying it’s perfect, but we’re trying to do our best”.

(Read: http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/inquirerheadlines/nation/view/20110302-322981/DFA-chief-says-hes-not-happy-to-be-back-home)

The coordinated action of the DFA was crucial in the success of the evacuation mission.  Filipino diplomats took the lead in the evacuation plan. Embassies in Spain, Egypt, and Greece were tasked to receive the evacuees from Libya. Earlier, a similar team was dispatched to Cairo and the work of the Embassy in Egypt was critical in repatriating Filipinos back home.

Well-run MFAs are beneficial to the government in enabling them to pursue their national interest, in policy coordination and in responding to crisis and assistance to its citizens overseas.

However, governments must see to it that they provide the necessary support, attention, and resources to MFAs so that they could adapt to the challenges of its expanding role, in the use of information and communication technology, and  in their readiness to provide quality public service and  respond  to crisis situations.

Perpetuation of International Migration: Theories (part 2)

Perpetuation of International Migration: Theories (part 2)

by Juan “Jed”  E.  Dayang, Jr

International migration will continue to increase.  The incentives on the supply side of international migration flows are particularly strong.  High wage differentials across countries and  cheaper transportation and communication costs have increased incentives for people to move.

According to migration experts Facchini  and Mayda, migration flows are relatively small in scale compared with other dimensions of globalization—such as trade and capital flow.  Why is this so?  Restrictive migration policies of host countries is the answer. However, these policies can not stop  irregular migration as the disequilibrium between supply and demand grows.

The following theories provide an explanation  why international migration perpetuates:

Network Theory

The networks of home country association and family networks, friends and other linkages in host countries make migration easier. Networks, which are sources of information, lower the risk of migration substantially. Family members abroad provide information and financial support to their relatives in their native countries which lowers financial as well as psychological costs of migration.

The first generation of migrants are risk-takers but subsequent migration becomes easier. Networks are extremely important in liberal democracies where policies favour family reunions. Networks provide social capital and contribute to the decline of costs and risk as it expands. With networks, migration flows become less selective and thus, increase the likelihood of greater need for consular assistance.

Cumulative Causation

The supply of migrants creates its own demand. As more migrants do the jobs that are not filled up by locals, the demand for them increases. For instance, the supply of Filipino domestic helpers in Singapore and Hong Kong to expatriates and locals has increased their demand for other households to hire helpers to do child care or domestic chores usually done by wives.

Relative deprivation theory

This theory states that  it is not just that even people who are not really impoverished migrate abroad to compensate for the relative deprivation they feel from a neighbour whose material wealth increased when one family member migrates for work—a case of “keeping up with the Joneses”. One is motivated to migrate seeing that his neighbour is better off because of the remittances. Such awareness  makes him feel poorer. These factors create a culture of migration in communities and eventually takes a life of its own. In the Philippines, the culture of migration persists.

Migration System Theory

Migration flows acquire stability and structure overtime. What was intended to be a temporary labour migration for Filipinos in the 70s to decrease unemployment and increase foreign currency inflows to the country has become permanent.

Due to the requirement of protecting and regulating labour migration, the Philippine government has established the Philippine Overseas Employment Agency (POEA) to manage and regulate recruitment. It has also established the Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA) and increased the number of Labour Attaches posted overseas.

Bilateral labour agreements and international cooperation in labour migration have made international migration more stable and institutionalized by establishing core destinations from single and multiple sources. Saudi Arabia is one example of a core destination for Filipino construction workers and engineers in the 70s and for healthcare workers in the 2000s.

Unilateral cooperation such as South Korea’s Employment Permit System has stabilized labour migration from specific countries such as the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Mongolia, etc.

Lobby groups and public opinion

Both pro and anti-immigration interest groups play a statistically significant and economically relevant role in shaping migration across sectors. Barriers to migration are higher in sectors where (anti-immigration) labour unions are significant in numbers and influence and lower in those sectors in which (pro-immigration) business lobbies more powerful.

Institutional theory

A range of institutions benefits from international migration including  capitalists and entrepreneurs who make a profit from migration, humanitarian groups (some of them with clout), and recruiters who engage in legal migration. Underground, smugglers and traffickers also make a lucrative profit from migration.

Douglas Massey argued that migration would continue regardless of the restrictions imposed by host countries and that low migration rates were artificial. He also added that the abovementioned theories indicate that migration flows would be unabated and that countries of origin were not working on restricting migration; instead labour-sending countries helped perpetuate it by making it easier for their citizens to migrate.

As international migration continues to grow, Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs) as well as diplomatic and consular officials need to adapt to the demands of its citizens overseas.   In future  blog feeds, I will discuss why consular affairs has become a core task of MFAs.

References

Lecture by Prof. Susan Martin attended by author in the course entitled “Global Trends in International Migration” organized by the  Institute for the Study of International Migration of the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University from 19-22 October 2010 in Washington D.C.

Joaquin Arango Douglas S. Massey, Graeme Hugo, Ali Kouaouci, Adela Pellegrino,J. Edward Taylor, “Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal,” Population and Development Review 19, no. 3 (1993).

Giovanni Facchini and Anna Maria Mayda, “From Attitudes Towards Immigration to Immigration Policy Outcomes: Does Public Opinion Rule?,” VOX, no. 21 June 2008 (2008), http://www.voxeu.org/index.php?q=node/1247.

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